Why Buganda should not be sacrificed for the stability of Uganda

Why Buganda should not be sacrificed for the stability of Uganda.

The standoff between Mengo and the Central government is still on and despite the relative calm, an observer of curious instinct can interprete the ceasefire as a half-time rest as the two power centers prepare for the next stage. In this article i trace the genesis of the confusion between tribalism and ethnic nationalism vis a vis the nation state. It is my conviction that the Buganda question in Ugandan Politics has been grossly misunderstood and treacherous politicians have capitalised on this conflict to balkanise the populace often presenting the Buganda question as an anti-thesis to the Colonial creation-Uganda.

Early this year the President wrote a letter to the Kabaka decrying Mengo's handling of affairs to the point of accusing Mengo of fueling ethnic animosity against the Balaalo. I found the President's fears imaginary and far fletched and was compelled by virtue of my trade to add a voice. His remarks involved confusing tribalism with ethnic nationalism. Tribalism can be a mental concept, it has basis in tradition and persisting cultural differences and it has been given new forms and attached to it are new interests and loyalties. A good reader of History can find H.F Morris' work on Buganda and Tribalism cited in Gulliver's edited Tradition and transition in East Africa interesting. The current wave of discontent in Buganda cannot be understood as tribalism but rather as ethnic nationalism. This may not go well with some sections but academically the Kingdom appears to satisfy the main attributes of a nation even if we are not to consider its pre-colonial position and institutions. The "nation" question was a subject of debate in the 1960s and i find it valid to help explain the present relations between Mengo and the centre. According to our history as a colonial state Uganda, Buganda had for many centuries remained a sovereign state before she accepted ( after rigorous consultations spanning for over 10 years 1890, 1892, 1893, 1894 all of which had proved futile) the protectorate treaty of 1900.

One must contend that there's nothing like a Uganda nation except in the sense of which 18th century European diplomats spoke of the Turkish nation to embrace Greeks and Serbs that is to say all people owing allegiance to a common sovereighn and in that instance the ottoman empire. Buganda's institutions adapted to mordern conditions have remained intact even todate, the language, common identity, loyalty to the cultural institutions of leadership tantamount not only to the definition of a tribe but a nation in the European sense of the word.

As far as size and wealth are concerned, Buganda does not appear insighnificant say if compared to Estonia or Latvia or the Irish republic. Yet the creation of these states on the principle of self-determination and nationalism was heralded as laudable, progressive by the very circles that worked to condemn Buganda's nationalism and self-determination brushing it off as reactionary and tribal. The post-colonial regime has maintained the rigid postion of the Crown towards Buganda's griveviances denouncing Mr Kyanjo's ideas as treasonous and radical atleast if we go by official remarks from goverment. What is more treasonous that supporting the seccesion of Southern Sudan from the Centre in Khartoum?. Do the people of Southern Sudan have a distinct cause from the one fronted by Mengo? i might ask. Was Norbert Mao summoned to CPS when he advocated for the formation of the greater Nile State and therefore seccesion from Uganda? Is it not that the president of Uganda has supported Garang for the last twenty or so years to secede from Sudan?

Buganda Vs Uganda's nationalism

It is no exaggeration that the degree of loyalty the people of Uganda have to the state is only intellectual and in speeches lacking emotional roots. Ugandans attach much significance to their cultural and ethnic distinction than to the colonial creation Uganda. Its the problems of the post-colonial state that spur ethnic discontent brewing from disatisfaction.For example no nationalist can allow public service to be populated by people from one region than is in Uganda today. So long as the Baganda were satisfied with the policies pursued by the colonial government, they were prepared to give it their loyalty. No people in Uganda were as responsive to the colonial regime as the Baganda before the fallout between the centre and Mengo over policies that Buganda felt were to undermine its institutions. In the clash of interests therefore one would be inclined to opt to their family, their clan and nation( recognise the omitting of tribe). The Baganda were so much receptive to the policies of the British in all spheres. They entertained Kasanvu and the growing of cash crops while others societies in Uganda rejected this as exploitative. They have cooperated with all succesive regimes that have not interfered with their cultural institution. The only problem has been leaders thinking out of misplaced anxiety that the strength of Buganda is an anti-thesis to the stability of Uganda which thinking must be contested by any clear thinking Ugandan.

Buganda's demands backward

There is a tendency to discredit nationalist sentiments as backward, the Crown applied the tactic against the Irish. Buganda's demands have been down played as backward, revanchist and detached from the realities of the 21st century conditions. But this backwardness has involved a criticism of its cultures, history and institutions and the Kabaka not spared. One needs to consider that nationalism even in the developed West where people have struggled to achieve it or preserve their national identity tends to contain a large element of nostalgia for the past. (backwardness) Historical exploits both factual and legendary is what nationalism feeds on. In such a condition traditional leaders come to prominence to give the nation its traditional element however backward they might seem. Someone must have noted the increasing number of elite clan leaders in Buganda can we classify them as backward? Almost all Buganda Ministers are holders of degrees. What can be said about my lecturer Dr Masagazi Masaazi serving as Buganda Minister for education?

Change of tone and language

There is a mud-painting of cultural nationalism first as backward and later as treasonous atleast if seen from the president's speeches and writing . How the repeated use of "backward", "collaborators", "feudalism", "landlords" and recently Kamanyiiro in refference to Mengo takes center stage in this case is left for the reader to introspect. What inspired His excellency to work with people he knew who harboured intrigue and Kamanyiiro in the Liberation war? Is this the payment for the support the backward people gave to the revolution? How about their children who died while his current cronies in the regime were enjoying luxuries in Europe? Is the president re-echoing Milton Obote's K.A.B.A.K.A and the fight against feudalism? In 1966, Milton Obote revealed that he had exclusive evidence that Muteesa had ordered arms from a British firm Gailey& Roberts to overthrow the regime. During that time it was the highest crime to contest a governement sanctioned by the West equalled to today's war on terror, the Weekly observer recently ran a story that there was a conspiracy to connect Mengo to Alqaeda and to arrest the Kabaka. The weekly observer is known to have credible sources, are we braced for the next move as Ugandans? Then very recently the powers that be arrested Mengo ministers which i commented about in another article as a reactionary mechanism to trap Buganda leaders into submitting to the NRM government and its demands.

Moses Kalanzi

Kampala

Mr. President Correction of past mistakes a mistake too

orrection of Past Mistakes a mistake

An informed insight into the Lost Counties issue.

The president of Uganda has been in a number of forums been quoted as having declared a war against injustices with roots in colonial maladministration. The ex-leninist guerilla leader and avowed anti-colonialist {though now chairman of the colonial project] has on many occasions castigated the British for the kid-glove treatment of Buganda in the 1900 Agreement and the entrenchment of Ganda superiority through the divide and rule policy. Mr. Museveni has blamed the current land crisis and ongoing tensions with Mengo as effects of the 1900 Agreement much to the chagrin of the Mengo Establishment. Just like Obote he has attacked the British for having granted Buyaga, Buruuli and Bugangaizi to Buganda. This attempt at re-writing history rejects the conditions under which the territories enjoyed by the various benefactors of British rule gained them and while it may receive applause in certain quarters, it sows seeds of acrimony between ethnicities in Uganda. Mr. Museveni believes that by returning Buruuli to Bunyoro, inciting the Banyala and the Kabaka’s subject of Buvuma into secession, the disintegration of Buganda will be accelerated while forgetting that with the weakening of Buganda the country will be thrown into political confusion and economic stagnation. The misconception that once Buruuli, Bulemeezi or Bugerere go to Bunyoro then Uganda would be peaceful is based on an inherent fear of a stable Buganda by politicians’ intent on staying a little bit longer in power.

The excavation of historical facts reveals that the clock cannot be turned backwards suggesting that any attempt to do so would undermine Uganda’s territorial discipline. The platitude that time is a great healer depends purely on the assumption that memories good or bad fade but certainly not all bad memories fade. While we can accuse the Kingdom of Buganda to have risen at the expense of the disintegration of Bunyoro, the fact that many cultural entities rose out of Bunyoro should not be underplayed.

The foundation of Tooro Kingdom was a standard of defiance to Bunyoro. Is it viable to the new editors of our history to return Tooro to Omukama Gafabusa? The counties of Ruhaama, Rukoni, Ngoma and Rwenkindo all in Ntungamo were gained from Rwanda and the people of this area are Banyarwanda. The failure of the C.A to grant Ugandan citizenship to these people would have led to a secession of these people to Rwanda. The seccesion movement was led by Gad Gasatura, Higiro Semajwege and Augustine Ruzindana who had even vowed to cross to Rwanda on being denied Ugandan citizenship. Vast areas of Bufumbira belonged to Rwanda. Hon. Nathan Byanyima’s Bukanga County and Isingiro initially belonged to Buganda but were ceded to Nkore. Iron-rich Buhweju was also annexed to Nkore from Bunyoro under the reign of Kahaya and his son Rwebishengye. His grandson Mutambuka carried on the expansion over Buhweju. Rwebishengye had also invaded and plundered Kabula from Bunyoro in the East of Nkore and while Kabula then was under the jurisdiction of Nkore, it was not until 1949 that Bahima made an exodus from Nyabushozi into Mawogola and Kabula on a large exodus. This expedition was made by Prince George Herbert Mbata in defiance of Ankore government bylaws particularly one which forced peasants to make a compulsory contribution of ghee which was greatly resented by the Bahima “who also thought that they could live a freer life under the less paternalistic government of the Kabaka” {H.F Morris, Heroic Recitations of the Bahima of Ankore p.64}

Despite this Baganda have been regarded as ungrateful guests in Kabula since 1888 when fleeing Baganda Christians sought refuge in the land from Ntare V. Before then the land initially grabbed from Bunyoro had been sparsely populated with few Bahima.

Nwoya County was initially belonging to Bunyoro. Dokolo County also was taken from Bunyoro by the stroke of the 1900 Agreement. The Kumam of Kaberamaido used to belong to Bunyoro. Even Mr. Museveni birthplace in the county of Nyabushozi belonged to Bunyoro and so was Kashaari County. Can the president help Nyabushozi return to its rightful owners? The Batooro of Uganda still claim parts of Congo with distant relatives on the other side of the boundary. From the foregoing discussion it appears true that almost every corner of Uganda has historical roots in another corner of the country. Such roots have been strengthened by nationhood. Under the umbrella of foreign rule our forefathers started to forge bonds of nationhood despite ethnic differences. Now is not the time for making kings with queer tittles such as Saabanyala, Saabavuma, Saabaruuli or even Saabagabe. Mr. Museveni’s king-making qualities can be of great relief to the people of Ankore who now 23 years into his tenure have not had a cultural leader.

Lastly Kingdoms emerge through military economic and sometimes magical qualities and power; they are not accidents of history and never creatures of constitutions. Once they emerge, their sustenance is achieved through spontaneous and habitual obedience of the King’s subjects not by the provisions of the constitution or even the wishes of a seating government. Their existence cannot be corrected just as a clock can’t turn backwards.

Moses Kalanzi

CBS RADIO CLOSURE: GENOCIDE AND THE PARADOX OF MEDIA FREEDOMS

Over the past weeks an issue of eminent concern has been the centre of controversy in the country not for it's trivial character as has been advanced by regime-leaning politicians but mostly for its implication to good governance and the rule of law in the country. I first had this at the lawyers day dialogue at Makerere in 2009 where presidential assistant on Institutions David Mafabi likened CBS radio to Radio Television Libres du Mille Collines in extending hate propaganda. This was at a dialogue discussing Media Freedoms: Myth or Reality Then less than a week later Local Government Minister Kahinda Otafiire in his usual fiery attitude lambasted the Mengo estabilishment and reiterated his earlier position that Mengo operates as an NGO. He assured members present at the dialogue organised by the Makerere University Convocation and sponsored by Konrad Adenuer Foundatiion that the activities of CBS radio bordered terrorism and were fuelling ethnic divisions in the country and stuck a semblence to Mafabi's argument when he recalled the activities of Mille Collines in the Rwanda Genocide. Whether a common understanding has been reached by government to ally Genocide to CBS radio or views expressed by its loyal cadres, the crux remains that Mengo has managed to intensify Ganda consciousness amidst ethnic persecution as seen by ordinary Baganda. Word going round at Mengo from impeccable sources has revealed that the Kingdom is under pressure to lessen its criticism of the central government. By the NRM regime indicating a fear of Genocide purportedly perpetuated by Mengo which in itself appears an inadequate claim, it has opened up debate on who is actually fuelling ethnic animosity in the country. The misuse of the term Genocide will be the centre of debate in this argument. The term was invented after the second world war in reference to Nazi activities of exterminating the Jews and the Genocide convention was ratified on 9th December 1948.
The verdict of history has revealed to us that genocide is mainly a state crime and is usually practiced by those in power and to acuse Mengo of such a crime would be to reverse an agenda orchestrated by those in power. I advance that ethnic hatred aired on CBS radio as seen by our rulers is a veiled attempt to curtail media freedom under the guise of regulating content. Recently Police instituted a section on Media Crimes at CID and a number of the country's brains and resources are employed to record all statements 'injurious to stability of the country'. A radio presenter at the Mengo radio has even sarcastically demanded that the section be renamed CBS Crimes Unit. But one issue often forgotten by the accusers is that Radio Mille Collines enjoyed the support of the state. It enjoyed 24 hour power and was located(for security purposes)on the street just across State House. Its ownership was by state functionaries including the First Lady, Felicien Kabuga, Gaspard Gahigi, Ferdinand Nahimana and a host of others were well connected to the regime in power. Anyone who has watched the movie Sometimes in April featuring Uganda's own Abby Mukiibi will agree with me that Genocide as a crime cannot thrive unsupported by those in power. It was a small circle around Madame Agathe Habyarimana, the widow of President Juvenal Habaryimana of Rwanda, popularly known as the Akazu, or the Little House, which perceived the power sharing provisions of the Arusha Accords of 1993 as fatal to its ambition to cling to power and resolved to annihilate Rwanda’s entire Tutsi population. Suggestedly its is a small clique of politicians in Uganda keen on perpetuating Mr Museveni in power who seek to close down Buganda radio. While we can accuse Mengo of educating its citizens someone is arming his tribesmen with guns and the result has been terrorising of rural peasants and land grabbing in the countryside. Frank Chalk the Author of Hate radio in Rwanda has argued that the radio used to mould the opinions of rural citizens but that the role of the state in Genocide should not be underplayed. Genocide as a crime involves high organisation usually involving state machinery in concealment of objectives. It is more than a few presenters speaking their hearts out. To advance a claim that a Powerless Mengo with a government equated to an NGO,can incited genocide is to deny the magnitude of the issues discussed above. From a simple perspective, it occurs that Mengo in abid to organise its masses amidst temptations of desecrating the Kingdom by the NRM started up a radio station and later a newspaper Njuba Times. The King himself a former journalist with the DRUM Magazine,must have known the importance of the media in mass mobilisation for development. If Mengo is inciting ethnic hatred, it appears to be doing so as a counter-measure to counter those arming Balaalo for purposes that cannot be understood as of now. Lastly Genocide is a two-way traffic conflict in which like all wars one has an upper hand in victory. Even in Rwanda RPF had a hate radio the controllers of the RPF’s weakly powered radio station, Radio Muhabura (Radio Beacon) which only failed to counter Mille Collines listernership to have impact. Otherwise how do you explained a Tutsi-owned radio to Unite Rwandans as has been advanced by the western press when in its military and political composition it was 98 percent Tutsi. This should not be concieved as an affront to the Tutsi but rather a balanced overview. The Kabaka of Buganda welcomed the Tusti and even protected Kigeri IV at his court during the earlier conflicts. It has always been the politicians playing at the harp of ethnic divisions to elongate their stay in power that have always created instability.
Moses Kalanzi